California OIG finds multiple Violations at out of state CCA Prisons

California Office of the Inspector General recently inspected 5 out-of-state prisons that house California Prisoners.  These prisons are being run by Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) which is a for-profit corporation based out of Tennessee.

Denial Of Inmates Rights or Privileges
    These include retaining inmates on administrative segregation, overriding inmate classification scores, delaying inmate property and the list goes on....

Safety and Security Weaknesses
    Allowing inmates to wear clothing similar to custody personnel, poor screening for new CCA employees, unsupervised inmates in restricted areas, significant incidents not investigated and improper evidence handling and opening under an inner fence-line security gate just to name a few.

Unenforced Rules, Policies, Practices or Contract Provisions
    CDCR did not exercise adequate oversight of the inmate welfare fund, competitively bid state-to-state transportation services, approve CCA's use-of-force policy and timely review use-of-force incidents.

Other note-able issues
    Prescriptions being wasted and operating weaknesses on central control.

Sounds to me that CDCR is just handing out California prisoners and trying to forget about them.  According to California Code of Regulations out-of-state prisons may only house level 1 through level 3.  All the prisons that were inspected housed some level 4 inmates.  CDCR sent out a memorandum on March 17th, 2010 stating that "a level 4 inmates with low points (52-59) to be classified as a level 3 override and retain out of state".  The majority of these CCA prisons are one designed for level 1 through level 3 prisoners.

With CDCR's blatant disregard for the safety of prisoners, staff and citizens I do hope these issues brought out by the OIG are corrected quickly.

Link to letter from California Office of Inspector General to Matthew Cate Secretary of California Department of Corrections and Rehablitiation

Staff Watches Over Empty Juvenile Detention Facility

Talk about waste in the government of New York.  Throwing 3 million dollars out the window should hurt, even for New York. Just think about all the other things that the money could be used for. This money is being spent so union employees wouldn't have to be transferred to another facility.

Here are some excerpts from the article

The sprawling campus north of Albany is empty except for 25 to 30 staffers. Each employee collects almost $90,000 a year with benefits.

The state tried to shut Tryon down. It moved young people to other facilities. But the New York law requiring union members at juvenile detention centers and prisons to get a year's notice kept it open. Now the empty detention center costs taxpayers $3 million year.

Throwing money away like this for the cause of not inconveniencing union employees is just wrong.  New Yorkers should be upset.  Besides the wages that they are having to pay how much does it cost New York State as well as the county of Fulton to keep the heat on for these union employees?  How much does it cost for the upkeep the buildings, the grounds clean, snow removal and trash pick up?

There are other staffing concerns. Only 661 juveniles are in the state system, and yet 2,134 state employees watch over them. The cost is huge: $228,000 a year to keep a kid in a secure facility and $298,000 in a non-secure facility. Cities and counties pay half.

Right now it costs $169 million to run these facilities and New York City pays a big share of that cost- a share that city officials like Probation Commission Vincent Schiraldi want to cut down.

CA Renews Contract With CCA

Is it any wonder California is not only broke, but spending a fortune to maintain their overcrowded prison population? Nothing will change so long as your state officials keep sleeping with gold digging whores like Corrections Corporation of America. Or should I say, Connections Corporation of America? 

Only political connections keep corporations like CCA in business - no one in their right mind can actually look at the track record of this company and think otherwise...

To view a list of wrongdoings, lawsuits against CCA and other dirty cover-ups, click here.
For a list of other private prison malfeasance in California, click here.

Press Release from CCA

NASHVILLE, TN, Nov 05, 2010 (MARKETWIRE via COMTEX) -- CCA (Corrections Corporation of America) /quotes/comstock/13*!cxw/quotes/nls/cxw (CXW 26.25, +0.03, +0.11%) , America's leader in partnership corrections, announced today that the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has renewed its contract with CCA to manage up to 9,588 California inmates at four of the five CCA facilities currently housing California inmates (the Contract Extension). The CDCR also notified CCA of its Intent to Award an additional contract to manage up to 3,256 offenders at CCA's Crowley County Correctional Facility in Colorado and CCA's Prairie Correctional Facility in Minnesota (the Intent to Award). Between the Contract Extension and the Intent to Award, CCA expects to have the opportunity to house a total of up to 12,844 inmates for the CDCR in six facilities. CCA currently has a contract to house up to 10,468 California inmates.

ALEC IN ARIZONA

From The Tucson Citizen
You might have heard some news about the NPR story connecting SB1070 and the private prison industry though ALEC. Here's the story in full. It's worth your time to listen and to read:



Here's the follow-up story about the American Legislative Exchange Council, which is a disturbing story of unregulated influence pedaling of it's own, even without the SB1070 connection:

The (Un)American Legislative Exchange Council; Prison Profiteers Extraordinaire

It is common knowledge that today in the United States millions of people are incarcerated in detention centers, county jails and prisons. What is not such common knowledge are the deep and insidious ties between those who write our laws and those who profit from them. Connections run to much deeper levels than the majority of Americans are aware of, far beyond what seems to have become acceptable by way of contributions and corruption within our government.

In a very brief nutshell, this is how the US prison system currently operates:

There are two major Corporations that run privately operated prison facilities and detention centers; GEO and CCA. There are other, smaller players but these are the two largest. Both trade on the NYSE and their value is determined by the number of beds they keep filled.

The GEO Group, Inc. was initially founded as a division of The Wackenhut Corporation in 1984 under the name of Wackenhut Corrections (WCC). They have acquired a few other companies along the way and today they operate facilities across the globe including Australia, Africa and the UK. They are the folks that run the ICE Detention Center in CO as well as GITMO.

From GEO’s webpage, “We design, construct, finance and manage jails, state and federal prisons, special-purpose institutions, and immigration and detention centers.”  Their profit? Well, according to their page, “Our revenue at year-end 2007 was $1.024 billion, and net income was $41.845 million.”

CCA founded the private corrections management industry more than 25 years ago, establishing industry standards for future-focused, forward-thinking correctional solutions...or so they say.

From CCA’s webpage, “We manage, design, build and own more than 66 correctional facilities and detention centers from coast to coast, in small cities, metropolitan areas and destinations in between.”

What few people realize is that GEO and CCA are both members of ALEC.

Prison industries pony up cash in governor's race

The New Mexico Governors race seem to have fallen into the hands of the Private Prison corporations. The money that is contributed surely is an honest contribution with no string attached.

These might not be the kinds of sources for campaign cash that candidates like to brag about, but the industries behind them are reliable contributors to politicians in both major parties in New Mexico. And this election year is no different.

In the governor's race, it appears that Republican Susana Martinez has a lock on money from private prison operators.

Gambling interests, including tribes who operate casinos, wagered early on Democrat Diane Denish, the current lieutenant governor. The latest campaign finance reports, however, show some of them are hedging their bets by making late contributions to front-runner Martinez, the district attorney in Las Cruces.

Denish, meanwhile, has smoked her opponent in terms of tobacco industry cash and has chugged more money from the liquor industry.

The corrections industry

The state first began contracting with private prison operators in the 1990s under then Gov. Gary Johnson, a Republican. But the prison industry didn't start pumping real money into New Mexico campaigns until after Democrat Bill Richardson became governor eight years ago.

Richardson became a favorite of the GEO Group, a Florida company formerly known as Wackenhut, which operates three private prisons in New Mexico. The most recent one, in Clayton, came about during Richardson's watch.

GEO gave Richardson $43,750 for his 2006 re-election campaign — as well as another $7,000 for his 2008 presidential run. According to the Institute of Money in State Government, Richardson has received more money from GEO than any other politician nationwide running for a state office since 2003.

The company also been generous with other state politicians, contributing more than $200,000 in recent decades. New Mexico, which has no limits on contributions, is second only to Florida among the states where GEO made political contributions. In fact, four of the top 10 recipients of GEO contributions since 2003 are New Mexico Democrats — including Denish, who has received $11,000 from the company during that period.

This year, however, Republican Martinez is getting the lion's share of GEO cash. The company has given her campaign $33,000 — including a $25,000 check contributed on Oct. 14.

Private prisons looking to cash in on illegal immigrants?

Excerpt from KTAR News -

The immigration bill was looked upon to be a "business model" as a continuous source of revenue for the community, the story says.

Pearce says the NPR story is wrong to suggest companies like Corrections Corporation of America had a hand in crafting SB 1070.

Gov. Jan Brewer agrees.

"The state has no business with CCA, it is a federal issue, those are federal-incarcerated prisoners," Brewer said.

State Representative David Lujan (D) thinks differently:

"If Senate Bill 1070 is to be enacted in full, and it increases the number of illegal immigrants that are to be detained, then they will stand to benefit from their facilities here in Arizona."

Read Full Story

*Electronic Castles* In The Ground

This is the stuff nightmares are made of. This video is actually a pitch to government officials and my guess is that the brainless bought and paid for corporate legislators will eat this nastiness right up.

Built underground? Sounds an awful lot like a dungeon and seems pretty incredible to think that for all of our advances and progress, the best we can do for *pubic safety* is to revert to tactics that were proven worthless over 100 years ago.

Is it possible I wonder that corporations who profit from high recidivism rates really and truly know what is best for keeping us safe? Does anyone else see where they might have a vested interest in creating more of a criminal class than they would in lower crime rates?

Why are people allowing our lawmakers to incarcerate citizens of this country for profit; where is the outrage? Where is the common sense that tells us hiring 3rd party contractors does not lower the cost of doing business but rather, adds another layer of expense on taxpayers? Our tax dollars are not being spent to rehabilitate anyone; they are being spent on warehousing people and lining corporate slave owners to turn a profit.

Wake UP America!!!!!!!!!

Misconception Vs Reality

For well over two years now I have dedicated the majority of my life and my time to fighting for prison reform in the USA. I’ve written numerous articles highlighting the various ways our system is broken and I’ve tried to raise public awareness on privatized prisons, unjust laws and even more unjust convictions and executions. I spend a part of nearly every day helping prisoners directly by answering requests for information and indirectly by advocating for better conditions for our prisoners.

I understand full well that this cause is not a popular one. Who wants to save a prisoner when they can save a puppy or kitten? I get it, I do. Prisoners don’t exactly evoke the warm fuzzies in people’s hearts. What I don’t get is the people who make quick assumptions not only about prisoners but about the work I do.

I get accused quite often of asking people to “cry crocodile tears” for prisoners. I also get accused of thinking we can give the prisoners a teddy bear and a hug and fix everything. I’ve received hateful emails wishing that all of the prisoners I’d like to release from death row pay me and my family a visit and do us harm. It’s been assumed I want all prisons abolished. I’ve been called a bleeding heart liberal, which would be funny if it weren’t so wrong and insulting. In short, I take all kinds of flak for doing what I do and to some degree, I expect it. I do get tired of it though. I am treated with more respect from these “horrible monster” prisoners than I do from many people in the free world who find out that I work with and help prisoners.

I’d like to set the record straight about why it is that I do the work I do, once and for all. I’d like to clear up all of the wrongful assumptions people might have.

The United States of McAmerica

My last article covered a few of the “acts” that ALEC (American Legislative Exchange Council; a special interest conservative right leaning organization) has helped our legislators to write and implement across the country. What I outlined previously were merely a few examples of their good works put out by their Criminal Justice/Homeland Security task forces. While I focus on ALEC in much of my writing, please keep in mind that ALEC is but one of a hundred or so groups who work behind the scenes in D.C. to buy off our politicians and force policies that meet their own political and profit driven agendas. I tend to single out ALEC only because they are one of the most prominent groups and there are numerous connections between ALEC, private prison corporations, declining education and our ever tightening and restrictive ‘tough on crime’ laws…but I cannot emphasize enough that they are just one of the players and takers of the big profit pie that our lawmakers gorge themselves on.

For this article, I am going to highlight some of the ways ALEC (and other outside influences) has helped our educational system along. Since there seems to be a direct connection between education and incarceration, this is an important piece of how politicians and CEOs are legislating profits for prison industry. Let’s face it, very few ‘hardened criminals’ have college degrees and if our government wanted high achievements from our schools, we’d damn well have high achieving schools, don’t you think?  

From ALEC’s webpage on their education task force:

Each year, the Task Force releases an annual Report Card on American Education. One of ALEC's flagship publications, the Report Card takes a comprehensive look at the state of public education all across our country. Based on a variety of indicators, the Report Card consistently shows no direct correlation between conventional measures of education inputs, such as expenditures per pupil and teacher salaries, and educational outputs, such as average scores on standardized tests.

As always, the Task Force will continue to focus on those policies that hold teachers accountable for the education they are providing as well as developing new ideas on how businesses can become partners in educating the next generations of our children.

We’ve already seen the wonders of bringing businesses into our prisons, now they want to do the same to our schools? Pardon me if I don’t jump up and down in excitement over this idea.

Here is more from ALEC’s page:

“Our Model Legislation

Resolution Supporting the Principles of No Child Left Behind”

Apparently NCLB has been a smashing success for those who profit from filling up cellblocks. Pink said it best with, “No child gets left behind, we’re not dumb and we’re not blind; they’re all sitting in your cells, while you pave the road to hell…”

When you read more closely into parts of NCLB here is what is written into the fine print, and again, this is straight off of ALEC’s page:

“Focus on Achievement: NCLB not only promotes—and fully funds—innovative reforms in public education, but the law also holds schools accountable for their own success. For the first time in history, states must prove that they are yielding academic results before the federal government hands over the money. When achievement is not up to standard, the federal and state governments expect them to focus on how they can improve public education standards.”

Back the hell up. Schools that are doing poorly get cut off from federal aid.

The perverse incentives of private prisons

LAST week authorities captured two fugitives who had been on the lam for three weeks after escaping from an Arizona prison. The convicts and an accomplice are accused of murdering a holiday-making married couple and stealing their camping trailer during their run from justice. This gruesome incident has raised questions about the wisdom and efficacy of private prisons, such as the one from which the Arizona convicts escaped.

Mother Jones reporter Suzy Khimm, writing at Ezra Klein's spot, observes that the portion of Arizona's prison population now residing in privately owned and operated facilities is 20% and growing. "Nationally," Ms Khimm notes, "there's been a similar surge in private prison construction as the inmate population has tripled between 1987 and 2007: Inmates in private prisons now account for 9% of the total US prison population, up from 6% in 2000." Should we welcome this development?

The Kingman Case: Private Prison Politics

August 13, 2010
Globe-Miami Times

The Private Prison sales pitch finds a receptive audience among small, economically challenged communities who want to find jobs and a way of paying the light bill at City Hall. Or, perhaps more to the point in the case of Globe – a way of getting a new sewer line for the NW Corridor.

Yet, it turns out the sales pitch is does not give the whole story.

The Information Highway goes both ways

Consider the information provided by the Prison Policy Initiative, a non-profit, non-partisan organization which researches and documents prison policy. They report that in spreading the gospel of privatization, our friends at Corrections Corp of America (James Parkey) and its competitors (Emerald Companies, Management & Training Corp (Kingman),Cornell and others)”… have used a small body of professional literature that purports to approve the superiority of for-profit corrections. What they fail to mention is that much of this literature has been written by analysts who are either being funded by the industry or have an ideological predisposition in favor of privatization.”

What were murderers doing in Kingman?

In the effort to package their message to local communities who are more open to warehousing the “not so violent” residents are often told by the pitch men, “Prisoners housed in private facilities are far less likely to be convicted of serious or violent offenses, or to have high medical and mental health needs,than prisoners housed in public facilities used to generate cost comparisons.”

In actuality, PPI reports, Public prisoners were seven times as likely to be serving time for violent offenses, three times as likely to be serving time for serious offenses and twice as likely to have high medical needs than those housed in private facilities.


You need look no further for proof of this than our own example here in Arizona recently, when 3 murderers escaped last week, from the 1400 bed facility in Kingman which was approved in 2004 by voters as a minimum to medium security prison to house DUI and Substance Abuse Cases!

According to Management & Training Corporation – the needs of the DOC “expanded.”

Next week, we will look at the issue of funding and how that plays out in the debate over Private Prisons. You know that saying, “Freedom isn’t Free”? Well, Neither are Private Prisons.

Gov. Orders Women Moved From Ky. Private Prison

January 8, 2010

Kentucky's governor has ordered some 400 female inmates removed from a corporate-run prison after allegations of sexual misconduct by male guards.

Gov. Steve Beshear ordered the women moved from Otter Creek Correctional Complex to a state-run prison starting by July 1.

The move comes four months after the Kentucky Department of Corrections called for security improvements at the prison in a report on 18 alleged cases of sexual misconduct by guards there.

The prison is operated by Nashville, Tenn.-based Corrections Corporation of America.

Link to full article Here

Private Prisons: Profits of Crime

At Leavenworth, Kansas, within a perimeter of razor wire, armed prison guards in uniform supervise hundreds of medium- and maximum-security federal prisoners. Welcome to one of America's growth industries- private sector, for-profit prisons. Here in the shadow of the federally-run Fort Leavenworth Disciplinary Barracks and the Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary, the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) runs a short-term detention facility for medium- and maximum-security prisoners. Under contract to the U.S. Marshal's Service and the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), the CCA Leavenworth facility is not an anomaly but part of a trend. In the last decade, from juvenile detention centers to county jails and work farms to state prison units to INS holding camps for undocumented aliens, private interests have entered the incarceration business in a big way. Where there are people detained, there are profits to be made.

Imprisonment is an ugly business under any regime, but the prospect of a privatized prison system raises difficult and disturbing questions beyond those associated with a solely state-operated prison system. It has been, after all, a common assumption that the criminalization and punishment of certain behaviors-the deprivation of physical liberty and even of life itself-are not amenable to private sector usurpation. Some of the arguments that inform this assumption are ethical, some legal, and others practical, but all are being challenged by a growing group of special interests.

Prisons for Profit
Surprisingly, private prisons are nothing new in U.S. history. In the mid-1800s, penny-pinching state legislatures awarded contracts to private entrepreneurs to operate and manage Louisiana's first state prison, New York's Auburn and Sing Sing penitentiaries, and others. These institutions became models for entire sections of the nation where privatized prisons were the norm later in the century. These prisons were supposed to turn a profit for the state, or at least pay for themselves. Typically, privatization was limited: The state leased or contracted convict labor to private companies. In some cases, such as Texas, however, the corrections function was turned over wholesale to private interests which prom ised to control delinquents at no cost to the state. As the system spread, labor and businesses complained that using unpaid convict labor constituted "unfair" competition. Of equal concern to reformers-but of less weight to politicians-was the issue of prisoner abuse under the private corrections regime. Anecdotal evidence from across the country painted a grim picture: While state officials remained indifferent or were bought off by private interests, prisoners suffered malnourishment, frequent whippings, overwork and overcrowding. A series of investigations of state prisons confirmed the tales of horror and produced public outrage. l As with anti-trust legislation and the progressive reforms which followed, public pressure impelled government regulation of private sector abuse. By the turn of the century, concerted opposition from labor, business, and reformers forced the state to take direct responsibility for prisons, thus bringing the first era of private prisons to an end.

Three Trends Converge
But as the twentieth century stumbles to an end, the hard lessons of a hundred years ago have been drowned out by the clamor of free market ideologues. Again, privatization is encroaching ever further on what had been state responsibilities, and prison systems are the target of private interests. The shift to privatization coalesced in the mid-1980s when three trends converged: The ideological imperatives of the free market; the huge increase in the number of prisoners; and the concomitant increase in imprisonment costs. In the giddy atmosphere of the Reagan years, the argument for the superiority of free enterprise resonated profoundly. Only the fire departments seemed safe, as everything from municipal garbage services to Third World state enterprises went on sale. Proponents of privatized prisons put forward a simple case: The private sector can do it cheaper and more efficiently. This assortment of entrepreneurs, free market ideologues, cash-strapped public officials, and academics promised design and management innovations without re- ducing costs or sacrificing "quality of service." In any case, they noted correctly, public sector corrections systems are in a state of chronic failure by any measure, and no other politically or economically feasible solution is on the table.

More Prisoners, More Money This contemporary push to privatize corrections takes place against a socioeconomic background of severe and seemingly intractable crisis. Under the impetus of Reaganite social Darwinism, with its "toughness" on criminal offenders, pris on populations soared through the 1980s and into the 1990s, making the U.S. the unquestioned world leader in jailing its own populace. By 1990, 421 Americans out of every 100,000 were behind bars, easily outdistancing our closest competitors, South Africa and the then USSR. By 1992, the U.S. rate had climbed to 455. In human terms, the number of people in jails and prisons on any given day tops 1.2 million, up from fewer than 400,000 at the start of the Reagan era.

While incarceration statistics have skyrocketed, crime rates have increased much more slowly. In fact, from 1975 to 1985, the serious crime rate actually decreased by 1.42 per cent while the number of state and federal prisoners nearly doubled. The number of people sent to prison is actually determined by policy decisions and political expediency. Politicians of all stripes have sought cheap political points by being "tough on crime." They throw oil on the fire of public panic by portraying the urban underclass (read: young, black males) as predator. Ignoring the broad context of economic policies that have effectively abandoned large segments of the population, they have instituted mandatory minimum sentences, tighter or no parole schedules, and tougher "good time" regulations. Adding to the overpopulation these putative measures wrought, the War on Drugs-which aimed its frenzy at the inner city-stuffed the nation's already over crowded prisons with a large crop of mostly African-American and Latino nonviolent offenders. In state after state, budgets have been stretched to the breaking point by the cost of maintaining and expanding this massive correctional archipelago. In California, the nation's largest state prison system, the corrections budget increased seven-fold during the 1980s to $2.1 billion annually at the end of the decade-and the system was still operating at 180 percent of capacity. The huge costs associated with the choice to deal with social problems by mass imprisonment are a fundamental part of the drift toward private prisons. The converging trends (rampant free-marketism, higher prison population, and escalating costs) are part of a larger trend-the sharpening of Reaganite class war and the social meanness that accompanied it. The last time the U.S. faced such an influx of prisoners was after the Civil War when freed blacks, who were previously punished and controlled within the slave system, were sent to formerly all-white prisons. The present situation is not perfectly analogous, but once again, policy-makers faced with burgeoning and unruly minority resistance of their own making seem to have chosen a similar course: "Lock 'em up and throw away the key."

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